Building Billion-Dollar Businesses in Latin America

wenyi.cai

OZY

Wenyi Cai goes to plop down in a chair in a cramped, bare-bones office with white walls, sticky notes and black scuff marks. I pin her at about 29, but to be polite, I pass over the question. Plus, she’s just jumped off a call with an investor that she admits was stressful. “Do you want this one?” I ask, hastily pushing the more comfy chair toward her. “No, it’s fine, whatever,” she shoots back. “Let’s do this. So, I’ve got like … what? Fifteen minutes.”

Cai, who is actually 30, is in a rush because she and her four other partners are out to build businesses through venture capital, but not Silicon Valley Cool. Her Colombia firm, Polymath Ventures, is all at the unglamorous end of the business, searching for ways to build scalable companies and services in underserved markets for Latin America’s emerging middle class. Continue reading on OZY…

photo credit: Juan Felipe Rubio

Interview: What are the economics behind Colombia’s agrarian protests?

A wave of agrarian strikes and protests have gripped Colombia over the past several weeks.

Farmers, truck drivers, students and other protesters from the countryside to urban centers like Bogota and Medellin have denounced President Juan Manuel Santos’ economic policies, saying that Colombia’s free trade agreements and neoliberal economic policies are hurting farmers.

During the protests in Bogotá last week, a potato grower named Benjamin Morales said “we’re broke because we’re facing high prices in everything from fertilizers, fungicides, pesticides… These products have too many taxes, too many tariffs.

“And about the issue of the FTAs… we’re importing a lot of milk, a lot of cheese and domestic production has fallen,” added Morales.

“It’s the same as [the problem coffee farmers are facing]: fertilizers and pesticides are too expensive, and when we go to harvest, the price is too low. And we don’t receive any kind of subsidy. Coffee growers do. But we don’t.”

I interviewed Economist Mauricio Reina, who is a researcher at Fedesarrollo. Fedesarrollo is a Bogota-based non-partisan think tank that develops research and analysis on economic and social policy in Colombia.

I asked Mr. Reina questions about why farmers are angry, and what economic foundations underlie the agrarian crisis. This is the interview transcript:

W. Tomaselli: It seems like there’s a paradox here: the potato farmers are shouting that the products that come from abroad are pushing down their prices and they can’t compete. They’re upset. But other economists I’ve spoken with say that isn’t an issue that has to do with Colombia’s Free Trade Agreements. They say it’s an issue of productivity. Colombia doesn’t have the productivity to reach the domestic demand in Colombia. But doesn’t that mean that food imports are competing with farmers to reach that demand?

M. Reina: The first thing you’ve got to keep in mind is that the products that protesters are complaining about are imported, but they’re imported at a low level in comparison to the national level of production. In the first place, Colombia only imports frozen potatoes, not fresh potatoes, and that’s from years ago… and this [frozen potato] product doesn’t compete directly with the farmer in the small towns of Colombia. It competes in big urban supermarkets, which in some cases could affect the small farmer, but in the majority of cases doesn’t.

W. Tomaselli: You said it’s a low level of imports coming into the country. How much food is imported into Colombia compared with domestic output?

M. Reina: Yes, it’s really important to look at the size of imports. If you look at frozen potatoes, they accounts for less than 1% of the production of potatoes [in Colombia]. In other words, if a sector goes into crisis with an added 1% of imports, it’s a sector that has serious problems with productivity. It’s not a sector that has problems with free trade agreements or international markets or competition from abroad. It’s a sector that has major problems with productivity.

W. Tomaselli: Can you talk about another example of how this works?

“When you look at the case of milk, milk is imported [into Colombia] as powdered milk. And what happens is more or less what happens with potatoes – it competes with a part of the market, but not with all the milk [Colombia produces]. While more farmers produce regular milk, powdered milk doesn’t compete with them that much.

But in any case, let’s suppose that it were regular milk. Milk that [Colombia] imports accounts for less than 3% of total national production. So a sector that goes into crisis as it sees 3% of imports come into the market is a sector that has serious productivity problems.

In the case of rice, imports don’t even reach 5%. The problem is the domestic sector, not the international market.

W. Tomaselli: Ok, so my question then is if it’s not the free trade agreements, and it’s not about competition from the international market, then what’s happening? Why is there a crisis in the agricultural sector then?

Well, the Colombian agricultural sector has historically been very isolated from the international market by a very protectionist policy. What that means that a sector that has kept out international competition will not have experienced advances in productivity during the last couple decades.

This kind of protectionism has had two different kinds of effects on two different groups of producers.

Colombia’s protectionism has been driven by the big landed estates who have major political representation in the country, and who have very solid backing in congress. So cattle ranchers and rice growers are the types who have searched for protectionist schemes. They’re powerful on a local level. They’re powerful on a political level. And they guarantee that competition from the outside doesn’t enter.

But meanwhile, there are small farmers whose crops don’t compete much with the large landed estates like the rice growers and cattle ranchers. They [grow] fruits, vegetables, the whole line of tropical products – all of these types of farmers haven’t succeeded in gaining influence in the Colombian political arena. Colombia’s agrarian politics have listened to the large landed estates about protecting their economies, but they don’t bother with promoting small farmers’ crops. And those crops, in many cases, are crops that Colombia could export. 

So the central problem here is the protectionist policy that big landed estates promote. It favors the big estates, but it doesn’t favor the small farmers. In any case, it’s resulted in lower development of productivity.

Two additional things to paint the whole picture: first is the whole matter of insecurity in the countryside. We’re starting to slowly approach more security in the countryside. But don’t forget that for half a century, we’ve been dealing with this problem.

The second thing is infrastructure. As the agricultural sector has been so closed, there hasn’t been a need to develop better road infrastructure in order to be able to export and send out product to the international market.

So nowadays, a small farmer can’t find incentives for stockpiling, he doesn’t have resources for commercialization, and he doesn’t have mechanisms for organization in order to face international competition.

We’ve created a closed economy with bad infrastructure. And nowadays, those are the problems that we are suffering from.

Anti-government protests in Colombia

Read at Colombia Reports

Tens of thousands have taken to the streets across Colombia in the biggest show of force from anti-government protests since agriculture workers went on strike last week. Violent clashes were reported, primarily from Bogota.

Protesters started arriving at the Plaza Bolivar in Bogota in the late morning, and by the early afternoon there were roughly 10,000 people assembled in the city’s main square. Caracol Radio, one of Colombia’s national media intensely following ongoing protests, reported that a total of 40,000 people were protesting around the city.

Despite a strong police presence, the protests remained calm for several hours, with speakers regularly encouraging peaceful demonstration.

However, at approximately 2:30PM, a new wave of protesters entered the Plaza, setting off non-lethal explosives, throwing debris and inciting general panic. This had been preceded by police attacking at least one group of demonstrators protesting peacefully while on their way to Bogota’s main square.

Speakers continued to urge the crowd to remain calm, but anti-riot police forces on hand got involved after a second round of explosives coming from within the protest, and from there the situation degenerated into chaos.

Explosions that may have come from live ammunition fire from public security forces were heard.

Police hurdled tear gas into the main crowd, with various violent clashes breaking out across the plaza, and protesters hurling bricks and other objects at police forces.

Within 15 minutes, the square had been cleared, though clashes with the ESMAD continued in the streets surrounding the plaza. According to Bogota newspaper El Tiempo, 20 people were injured in the violent outbreak.

Major riots were also reported in Soacha, a mostly poor city bordering Bogota in the south. Dozens of masked men clashed with riot police, forcing local authorities to decree an instant curfew and ban on liquor sales. More than 40 people were arrested.

In Medellin, Colombia’s second largest city, a riot broke out in the downtown area ahead of the protest. According to the local authorities four suspected vandals were arrested. Most shops and supermarkets in the center of the city closed doors, fearing further disturbances.

Later in the day, sources told Colombia Reports that police released tear gas in the Parque de las Luces just after a student march comprised of an estimated 25,000 protesters arrived from the National University. The Alpujarra district, from which government personel had already been evacuated, is mostly clear, as protesters head back toward the university to demonstrate.

Violence was also reported on the outskirts of the city where thousands of rural protesters reportedly gathered and blocked roads leading to the capital of the Antioquia department, forcing clashes with riot police.

Cali newspaper El Pais reported that some 1,000 protesters took part in three peaceful marches through Colombia’s third largest city.

The protests were organized by Colombia’s largest student rights organization and coincided with widespread national anti-government protests that have been going on since Monday last week.

As peso weakens, Colombia manufacturers still hurt

Read this at Colombia Reports

As Colombia’s peso reaches the government’s target exchange rate against the dollar, the Andean country’s manufacturing contracted in output for the seventh time over an eight-month stretch.

According to the Colombian government’s economic reporting agency DANE, a 5.1% contraction hit Colombia’s manufacturing sector in June.

Fixing manufacturing is what Colombia’s Finance Minister Mauricio Cardenas has said is his priority, and so it is hardly surprising that Colombia’s macroeconomic policies are geared toward making the country cheaper and more competitive abroad.

A dollar-buying program and holding the reins on an overseas bond sale were two measures Cardenas took to tame what he called Colombia’s “mother of all problems”: the peso.

Now that Colombia’s currency has weakened to between 1,900 and 1,950 pesos to the dollar, the range Cardenas has called his ‘ideal’ target, some, like Foreign Exchange Analyst Alexander Fletcher of Ultrabursatiles, believe Colombia’s industrials could bounce back by the end of the year.

But Julian Trujillo, a manufacturer who exports abroad, insists the industry is still far from recovering from a drop in output that coincided with the implementation of a free trade pact with the United States.

Trujillo is the Vice President of Trade at Fiber Glass, an arm of Paris-based multinational Saint-Gobain Group, which makes fiberglass products like insulation outside of Bogota. According to Trujillo, 40-50% of Fiber Glass’ products are exported abroad to 20 countries, including Europe and the US.

“It’s going to take a while for this industry to turn around,” Trujillo told Colombia Reports. “We’re looking at another three years of problems.”

Trujillo says that Fiber Glass suffers from Colombia’s high costs of transportation and logistics, rendering its goods far less competitive than other countries. As a result of infrastructure underdevelopment, the manufacturing industry is producing at 40-50% of its potential, says Trujillo.

“Companies,” he laments, “have lost their competitiveness.”

MORE: Business confidence falls in July

Alexander Riveros, Senior Economist at Bancolombia, agrees. Riveros told Colombia Reports that the peso is just one of Colombia’s problems when it comes to the industrial sector. The other one is competitiveness.

“Colombia isn’t as competitive as other countries in terms of costs – like the costs of transportation, logistics, and gasoline,” said Riveros.

Competitiveness, more so than the peso, is what Trujillo and Riveros both think needs to change, and according to Riveros, the current government’s economic policies are directed toward improving competitiveness.

“What’s going to happen in the future is that Colombia is going to advance in productivity,” said Riveros.

“All the government’s policies are directed toward improving productivity: infrastructure, transportation, logistics… and these sorts of things aim toward a reduction of real costs, not nominal costs… in other words, what we sell abroad will be cheaper, independent of any currency factors.”

Yet, have Colombia’s economic policies been successful at preparing manufacturers like Fiber Glass?

“Not yet,” says Trujillo. “For 8 years, the previous government didn’t advance at the rhythm of infrastructure development that it should have. The past government didn’t do anything.”

Colombia’s current administration, led by President Juan Manuel Santos has led reforms to push down taxes for companies. Riveros says that other reforms, like a law that will ease the tax burden on companies’ labor costs, have not come into effect yet.

Santos has plans for infrastructure too. Colombia’s Ruta del Sol aims to connect the country via multi-lane highways. Right now, major transit routes are clogged with slow-moving trucks and as a result, the price of moving goods from the interior to Colombia’s ports comes with painfully high costs.

Bogota entrepreneurs stress need to improve startup ecosystem

November 13th, 2012 BOGOTA (Colombia Reports) – As Bogota‘s business climate warms up, a feisty cohort of entrepreneurs is struggling to develop a thriving startup ecosystem in the Colombian capital even though challenges still loom.

“I would say we are at the beginning of a wave. I’m sure it is a great wave coming for entrepreneurship here and I’m ready to surf it,” Camilo Jimenez, an entrepreneur who rents a co-working space designed to connect entrepreneurs, told Colombia Reports.

But the surf is rough for Bogota. Getting entrepreneurs to trade insight, experience and resources is one of the greatest challenges that the emerging entrepreneurial ecosystem faces.

“It’s hard for Colombians to share their ideas,” observes Juan Tejada, an aspiring entrepreneur and organizer behind Startup Criollo, an event that incubates university students’ startup ideas.

Young entrepreneurs like Tejada are trying to change that mentality by building a culture of networking events modeled after the sort of mentorship culture that characterizes more developed startup scenes.

“Building community is a must for Bogota,” adds Fernando Hurtado, another Colombian entrepreneur with an early-stage startup who was inspired to contribute to building up Bogota fledgling scene after he attended an Entrepreneurship Immersion Training Camp hosted by YouNoodle’s CEO, Rebeca Hwang, in the Silicon Valley earlier this year.

Another rough patch for entrepreneurs around the city is a scarcity of funding. Only a few angel investors and venture capital firms have chosen to turn their attention toward the Colombian capital’s nascent startup scene, and therefore young entrepreneurs find trouble accessing later stage funding.

But in spite of the challenges, the World Bank’s Doing Business 2013 report on regulations for small and medium-sized enterprises casts optimism on Colombia, reporting a more efficient and friendlier business environment for startups since 2003.

Doing Business reports that reforms cut out lengthy registration procedures, reduced the cost of starting up from 28% of income per capita to 8% and shortened the time needed for starting a business to 14 days from 60 in 2003.

And Colombian entrepreneurs are not the only ones who are growing attracted to starting up in Bogota.

Gustavo Maggi, an engineer-turned-entrepreneur from Venezuela, says he is impressed by the support and opportunities that he discovered when he came to Bogota, such as entrepreneurial development programs with Bogota Emprende, Innova, and Unidades de Emprendimiento.

“Bogota is an emerging market with many opportunities,” says Maggi, drawing the comparison to his native Caracas. But he acknowledges the trickiness of the Colombian market’s uncertainty too. “Colombia isn’t a market that adjusts itself easily to your initiatives. You have to adjust your initiatives to her.”

Bogota’s emerging startup climate has even grown friendly enough to the extent that Startup Weekend, a Seattle-based incubator supported by the Kauffman Foundation, chose Bogota as one of its November destinations.

Ana Carolina Pereira, an organizer behind the event, is determined about Bogota’s entrepreneurial flicker when she says, “we think we can turn our self into as much of a success story as the tech entrepreneurship communities in Singapore or Israel.”

Colombia regulators seize Interbolsa brokerage after cash flow clogs up

Colombian regulators seized control of Interbolsa’s brokerage arm, Colombia’s largest brokerage firm, after severe cash flow problems prevented the firm from following through on payment.

Allaying fear, President Juan Manuel Santos assured investors that their monies would not be lost, but rather transferred from Interbolsa to another brokerage firm.

The liquidity problems of the 22-year-old brokerage firm that started in Antioquia resulted from an aggressive, high-risk strategy.

“We have taken advantage of the moments the market has given us. And the greatest merit has been the capacity to let us assume risks,” Rodrigo Jaramillo, Interbolsa’s president, told El Tiempo earlier this year.

Gerardo Hernandez told Bloomberg that regulators were debating whether or not to liquidate the firm and facilitate a merger where the assets and liabilities will be assumed by another firm.

Even though investor worry is justified, Jaramillo says that the strength and solvency of Interbolsa is not in question and that clients’ assets are not at risk.

Medellín-based Espacio Asks for Angels, Challenges Too

Fifteen years ago, Medellín, Colombia’s second largest city, resembled a diabolical sort of place. Business was corrupt. Violence was heavy. For Conrad Egusa, an entrepreneur who has practiced success in the Silicon Valley and in New York, Medellín might have been the last place on earth where he would choose to spawn his latest idea – a start-up incubator. But instead, Egusa thinks Medellín is ideal.

Along with his local partner, Edinson Alberto Arrieta Aguas, the two are hopeful about Medellín, which is the city they chose to cradle their recently launched Espacio, a start-up incubator that offers a community-driven brand of marketing, technology, and PR support to a mix of Colombian and foreign entrepreneurs. According to TechCrunch Espacio is backed by .CO, a digital enterprise web domain, and the Founder Institute.

“Medellin is unlike any other city I have been to, and the only region I can compare it to is Silicon Valley. When I arrived in the city, the more I became involved in the entrepreneurial scene here, the more I learned about the great government initiatives (from Ruta N, iNNpulsa), and the active startup scene,” Egusa told Pulso Social.

But if Espacio wants Medellín to be the next Silicon Valley, it faces some stiff competition for the title. Chile’s government-backed Start-UpChile aims to have 1,000 fledgling firms and has already established itself. And imitating the pearl of Chile’s strategy, Brazil also wants to lift prohibitive immigration laws that will make its cities more attractive to foreigners for testing their ideas in institutes like Rio’s 21212 Digial Accelerator.

Medellin And regional competition isn’t the only challenge. What Espacio has to figure out is how to lure Angel Investors – a hot matter The Economist talks about in its recent article about Latin America’s entrepreneurial climate. The final key that successful tech entrepreneurs need for solving the start-up labyrinth is private venture capital for investment in their projects. According to The Economist, even Rio and Santiago see difficulty luring angel money away from America’s innovation hubs in Silicon Valley and New York.

Egusa, however, sees the challenge from a different perspective. He says that what he perceives to be one of the most fundamental challenges is a mere lack of success stories in Colombia and even greater Latin America.

“Latin America needs to have a number of entrepreneurial success stories, which will not only catch the eye of foreign venture capitalists, but will also serve as inspiration to the next generation of entrepreneurs,” said Egusa, in an interview with PulsoSocial.

Indeed, he has now made himself into something of a ventriloquist with the power to tell those stories. And if he and Espacio don’t tell success, Medellín might watch the Angels fly right on by.

Latin America Becomes Most Urbanized Region, Ripe for Entrepreneurship

UN Habitat recently released a report that paints Latin America as the most urbanized region in the world, with a projected 90% of its population living in cities by 2025.

The question of whether or not this is a good thing attracts mixed opinion. The Agence-France Press (AFP) points out that the gap in income is widening. Just as much as it is the most urbanized region, Latin America suffers the most from income inequality.

Erik Vittrup, UN-Habitat head for human settlements, is more optimistic. He told the AP that,

“We’re at the end of an era of urban explosion, with few exceptions,” said Vittrup. “We’re seeing a reduction in poverty, indigence in urban areas; unemployment is going down.”

Overall, he said, Latin America is primed for “a new urban transition to quality of life, equity and sustainability.”

Even though the region might be prepped for a seminal social and economic leap, it still faces the struggle of lifting an estimated 124 million people out of poverty.

That is why Latin America’s budding centers of entrepreneurship that have come with the region’s storm of urbanization should feel as though there is more opportunity for creating new wealth than there are obstacles to stand in the way of its thumping innovation.

According to Techcrunch, a new wave of TechnoLatinas have emerged in certain cities, (think Buenos Aires, Sao Paulo, Santiago, and Mexico City) where start-up “ecosystems” have already been scrambling to dig in. The Santiago-based Start-up Chile duels with the Silicon Valley for investment. Professionals with business and engineering talent are in abundance since more than half the population of Latin America is 30 years old or younger.

The ingredients to flatten out Latin America’s ugliest wrinkle – its income inequality – are all there. Now its Technolatina entrepreneurs need the sort of angel investment that descends on San Francisco’s hottest entrepreneurs. And maybe a dash of belief as well.

ECLAC Proposes Structural Reforms to Latin American Economies

Commodities are sweet little things in Latin America. Indeed, Brazil should be excited then, because recent weather data helped forecast a strong coffee crop and high prices for 2013. For Brazil and its neighbors, the past decade has seen a thumping commodities boom thanks to China’s appetite for industrialization. One might think the region’s leaders would be smiling and kicking back, enjoying the good old decade.

But they are not.

Instead serious faces worn by leaders and representatives of Latin American and Caribbean states turned toward El Salvador, where a dramatic pivot in economic policy for the region was discussed last week. The reason for serious attention is because ECLAC, a UN economic policy organization, introduced a proposal detailing a range of structural changes to Latin American economies that intend to defend against looming external business cycle shocks with new productivity reforms, which aim to bring high-value-added industry to the region. The idea here is to close the region’s painfully wide wealth gap.

Soy, oil, minerals and coffee, it seems, are no longer hot kitsch.

“History suggests that developing countries that have succeeded in converging with the more advanced countries have done so through the accumulation of technological capacity, innovation and knowledge, not on the basis of rents from natural resources,” ECLAC told Reuters.

ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean) holds a summit every other year, where its representatives discuss economic policy for the region. This year, the structural proposal emerged from a concern that over-specialization on low-productivity commodities and emphasis on import-substitution action has put a drag on the region’s economic performance dating back to the 1970s.

ECLAC means well. And its proposal sounds good in theory. Latin American states wrestle with wealth inequality and a new model for encouraging productivity and capacity building could contribute to closing the gap between rich and poor. One of the region’s biggest challenges, however, is how to agree on a proposal like this. For a roster of states obeying increasingly polarized political postures, there will likely be a handful of states, such as Brazil, Colombia, Chile and Mexico, that have an appetite for the UN’s new economic proposal. Others however, like Venezuela, Cuba and even Argentina, might just as well chew it up and spit it out as if it were a bitter seed.

Footloose Pesos: Ecopetrol Signs $1.2bn Deal with Essar Oil, Central Bank Harnesses Currency

Ecopetrol, Colombia’s state-owned oil & gas giant, announced on August 15th that it plans to sell $1.2bn USD in crude petroleum to Essar Oil, an Indian energy firm, over the course of one year.

The Colombian energy company is the fourth largest oil & gas company in Latin America and accounts for 60% of Colombia’s production. According to company financial reports released in July, Ecopetrol’s total unconsolidated sales climbed from COP$13,868.4bn ($7.74bn USD) in 2011 to COP$14,796.0bn ($8.26bn USD) in 2012. Its earnings per share (COP$) jumped 6.0% in the same period.

The Financial Times reported that “Essar seems to be looking at diversifying crude sourcing away from Iran, and Latin America is one of their focus regions,” according to an analyst at SBI Capital. Essar’s renewed interest in Colombian oil reflects a recent boom, where production of crude has almost doubled over the past six years.

Foreign investment in Colombia’s oil industry moved from $278mil USD in 2003 to $4.3bn USD in 2011, reported The Economist. Since cultivating an increase in security coupled with a set of policies under former President Alvaró Uribe that opened up massive tracts of land for energy exploration, and increased capital with which to improve efficiency, Colombia has triggered a blossoming energy sector (though not without its problems of success). Hostility toward foreign investment shown by Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mercosur – Latin America’s other oil & gas leaders – add to Colombia’s benefit.

It should come as little surprise, then, that Finance Minister Juan Carlos Echeverry has recently deployed a tactic for slowing down the strengthening peso. The Colombian central bank plans to lift its buying of US Treasuries from $20mil USD per day to $40mil USD per day, reported Businessweek. Colombia’s currency intervention scheme is aimed at keeping prices attractive to foreign merchants as the country sniffs out more export accounts like Ecopetrol’s hopeful Indian deal.